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Society through the eyes of marginalisation: the physical and mental spaces of homeless people in Ljubljana
ID Cibaité, Vaiva (Avtor), ID Muršič, Rajko (Mentor) Več o mentorju... Povezava se odpre v novem oknu, ID Buchowski, Michał (Komentor)

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Izvleček
The thesis intends to discover what factors influence marginalisation, how the marginalised one deals with marginalisation while unfolding physical and mental space in relation to the housed individual, and discover, what societal flaws might emerge through marginalised persons' approach to society. In this case, a marginalised person is represented by a homeless person in Ljubljana. The research is based on various sources of literature as well as on fieldwork. I based my fieldwork mainly on participant observation approaches, engaging in informal conversations, and conducting non-structured ethnographic interviews, as well as semi-structured formal interviews. As my fieldwork site, I chose Ljubljana, the capital city of Slovenia, and conducted it between the spring of 2021 and the spring of 2024, varying intensity at different times.  While inspecting how marginalisation happens, in this case, why homelessness happens, I present the definition of homelessness and the most common causes of homelessness too. While inspecting the homeless strategy in Slovenia, it becomes clear that part of the reason is also hidden within certain systematic flaws. Slovenia lacks an official number of homeless people in the country, which causes difficulties in tracking what kind of help is needed. The country is also facing struggles while solving the housing issue due to unfulfilled strategy plans and private investors' uninterest in investing in social housing due to the possibility of low returns on investment. Here one leads to another — an unclear definition and number of homeless people causes unfulfilled homeless and housing strategies and, an unclear view of how much help is needed.  On the other hand, in Slovenia, there are also multiple well-functioning non-governmental organisations (NGOs) providing support for people experiencing homelessness. The support for homeless people is dominated by NGO’s, while the government's help could be more constructed.    After entering the fieldwork, the emotion that I experienced the most coming from people experiencing homelessness was bursts of anger. After facing it in the field and reading various literature, it became clear that anger is the result of marginalisation, or otherwise, rejection, that a homeless person experiences in society. Meaning that if someone feels rejected, that might often mean that they are going to mirror it and reject too. Anger also plays a role in keeping your pride and providing energy to move forward and fight for yourself. A homeless person is usually angry at the government, system, housed individuals, and family members that reject them. Experience of rejection and anger leads to difficulties in maintaining trust. Within the people experiencing homelessness, mistrust unfolds on many levels, such as not trusting the government, system, people surrounding them, and themselves as well. A homeless person also often experience mistrust the other way around — from their family members, from government institutions, and housed individuals. During the fieldwork, I was also often encouraged by homeless people not to trust anyone. Anger, rejection, and mistrust lead marginalised persons to open up space around themselves differently than a housed individual would do — both mentally and physically. Both ways intertwine with each other, and a person experiencing homelessness, while searching for their independent ways of thinking and rejecting society, unfolds urban space, in this case, urban space in Ljubljana, differently than a house individual would do.  The search for independent ways of living unfolds through one’s perception of mainstream society and not letting anyone influence it, rejecting help that in some way might control the freedom and exhausting oneself physically rather than stepping on one’s pride. Physically, homeless persons appear to be in search of a safe space where they can hang out and are not bothered by anyone. A marginalised person often faces rejection from the public urban space, which is often created to satisfy consumers' needs. Those who do not have money are expected to be on the margins, and to some degree, not all public spaces are accessible to everyone. Due to a lack of stable housing, objects and spaces within the urban public space become more personalised than a simple passenger would think. For example, house chores that for the one with the stable housing is just a simple everyday task, for a homeless person, spread around the city, and a concept of a safe space, in some way representing home, spreads around the city in a small department. Organisations providing social support in this case turn into a living room within a public urban space for a person experiencing homelessness, where rejection is not present. It unfolds a big part of how a marginalised person deals with marginalisation — while opening up the space physically and mentally.  That leads to the other side of the barricades — a housed individual. As mentioned before, homeless people experience difficulties going through life easily, not only due to their reasons that pushed them into homelessness but also due to the lack of government support. Another factor that might also in some way influence the government's approach to the homeless issue is a housed individual's approach to a homeless person. Cities and public spaces within them are not constructed for someone who lacks material wealth. The marginalised one is expected to be on the margins of the public urban space, and the general public starts to be seen as the "other," as a stranger in our society. The way “othering” unfolds is expressed also through the laws in our society. Homeless people face rejection not only from a public urban space but also from institutions. It is also present within housed individuals, and it influences the government's approach as well. Through the articles and semi-structured formal interviews, it became clear that a housed individual is often full of prejudices towards a homeless person. Such an approach is present due to a lack of interaction, a tendency to invent things rather than investigate them, and often the only interaction a housed individual has with a homeless person is while offering physical help, such as coins or food. Such an approach creates an image of a homeless person as a stranger, rejects them, and meanwhile leads a person experiencing homelessness to reject society as well. That helps to understand why such anger, rejection, and mistrust are present within the circles of homeless people and why it leads them to search for their own, independent ways of living. The suggestion here is to escape the prejudices and to become closer to the one who is seen as a stranger. It indirectly and directly unfolds certain societal flaws that are hiding within our system and that are easier to spot while looking through the lens of marginalised persons. Anger and mistrust expressed by a homeless person represent the rejection that they experience, and in certain ways, for a homeless person, society unfolds from an “unfiltered” perspective. A homeless person experiences society's flaws from the very bottom of it, facing the threats of capitalism, consumerism, the power of money, and such in the most direct way. First, it suggests that government policies to support homeless people are not being implemented properly, and such failure is greatly influenced by the possibility of low capital returns on investments. Further, homeless persons are being rejected from public spaces, suggesting that some people are more privileged in our society than others. A person experiencing homelessness also faces rejection from a common-housed individual who approaches homeless people as the "others," rejects them, and in such a way also influences how government and institutions treat homeless people. All of it pushes a homeless person to search for different and more independent ways of living, to unfold physical and mental space around themselves from the margins. What creates an even bigger gap between a housed individual and a homeless person and what divides our society even more.

Jezik:Angleški jezik
Ključne besede:cultural and social anthropology, marginalisation, homelessness, Ljubljana, anger, rejection, trust, the “other”, independence
Vrsta gradiva:Magistrsko delo/naloga
Organizacija:FF - Filozofska fakulteta
Leto izida:2024
PID:20.500.12556/RUL-166802 Povezava se odpre v novem oknu
Datum objave v RUL:25.01.2025
Število ogledov:213
Število prenosov:1054
Metapodatki:XML DC-XML DC-RDF
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Sekundarni jezik

Jezik:Slovenski jezik
Naslov:Družba skozi pogled marginalizacije: fizični in duševni prostori brezdomcev v Ljubljani
Izvleček:
Namen magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, kateri dejavniki vplivajo na marginalizacijo, kako se marginalizirani posameznik spopada z marginalizacijo, medtem ko razvija fizični in mentalni prostor v primerjavi s posameznikom, ki živi v stanovanju, ter odkriti, kakšne družbene napake se lahko pojavijo zaradi pristopa marginaliziranih oseb do družbe. V tem delu sem obravnavala marginalizirane brezdomne osebe iz Ljubljane. Raziskava temelji na različnih literarnih virih in terenskem delu. Pri terenskem delu sem se opirala predvsem na pristope opazovanja z udeležbo, vključevanja v neformalne pogovore in izvajanja nestrukturiranih etnografskih intervjujev ter polstrukturiranih bolj formalnih intervjujev. Za kraj terenskega dela sem izbrala Ljubljano, glavno mesto Slovenije, in ga izvajala od pomladi 2021 do pomladi 2024, pri čemer sem v različnih obdobjih spreminjala intenzivnost terenskega raziskovanja. V delu preverjam, kako prihaja do marginalizacije, v mojem primeru skušam odgovoriti na vprašanje, zakaj prihaja do brezdomstva, opredelim značilnosti brezdomstva in najpogostejše vzroke zanj. Ob pregledu strategije za brezdomstvo v Sloveniji postane jasno, da se del vzrokov skriva tudi v nekaterih sistemskih pomanjkljivostih. V Sloveniji ni niti uradnega števila brezdomcev v državi, kar povzroča težave pri sledenju, kakšne pomoči so potrebni. Država se sooča tudi s težavami pri reševanju stanovanjskega vprašanja, bodisi zaradi neizpolnjenih strateških načrtov bodisi zaradi nezainteresiranosti zasebnih vlagateljev za vlaganje v socialna stanovanja in s tem nižje donosnosti naložb. Eno vodi k drugemu - nejasna definicija in število brezdomcev povzročata neizpolnjene strategije za brezdomce in nastanitev ter nejasen pogled na to, koliko pomoči so ljudje, ki ostanejo brez doma, potrebni. Po drugi strani pa je v Sloveniji tudi več dobro delujočih nevladnih organizacij (NVO), ki nudijo podporo ljudem z izkušnjo brezdomstva. Pri podpori brezdomcem prevladujejo nevladne organizacije, medtem ko bi klahko bila pomoč države lahko bolje organizirana. Po začetku terenskega dela sem pri ljudeh, ki so se soočali z brezdomstvom, najpogosteje doživljala njihove izbruhe jeze. Ko sem se z njo soočila na terenu in prebrala tudi primerjalno literaturo, mi je postalo jasno, da je jeza posledica marginalizacije ali, drugače rečeno, zavrnitve, ki jo brezdomec doživlja v družbi. To pomeni, da če se nekdo počuti zavrnjenega, to pogosto lahko pomeni, da bo to zrcalno odseval in zavračal tudi on sam. Jeza ima pomembno vlogo tudi pri ohranjanju ponosa in zagotavljanju energije za napredovanje in boj zase. Brezdomec je običajno jezen na državo, sistem, nastanjene posameznike in družinske člane, ki ga zavračajo. Iskanje neodvisnega načina življenja se razvija na podlagi dojemanja večinske družbe, pri čemer ne dovolijo, da bi kdo vplival nanje, zavračajo pomoč, ki bi lahko na kakršen koli način posegala v njihovo svobodo, in se fizično izčrpavajo, namesto da bi stopili na prste svojemu ponosu. Zdi se, da brezdomci fizično iščejo varen prostor, kjer se lahko zadržujejo in jih nihče ne moti. Marginalizirana oseba se pogosto sooča z zavrnitvami v javnem mestnem prostoru, ki ga pogosto urejajo za zadovoljevanje potreb potrošnikov. Od tistih, ki nimajo denarja, se pričakuje, da bodo na obrobju, zato do neke mere niso vsi javni prostori dostopni vsem. Zaradi pomanjkanja stabilne nastanitve postajajo predmeti in prostori v urbanem javnem prostoru bolj personalizirani, kot bi si predstavljal zunanji opazovalec. Gospodinjska opravila, ki so za tistega, ki ima svoje stanovanje, preprosto vsakdanje opravilo, se lahko za brezdomca razširijo po celem mestu; koncept varnega prostora, ki na neki način predstavlja dom, pa se razširi po manjših delih mesta. Organizacije, ki nudijo socialno podporo, v tem primeru za osebo, ki doživlja brezdomstvo, postanejo nekakšne dnevne sobe v javnem mestnem prostoru, v katerih zavračanje ni prisotno. Razkriva velik del tega, kako se marginalizirana oseba spoprijema z marginalizacijo - medtem ko odpira prostor fizično in mentalno. To nas vodi na drugo stran barikad - k nastanjenemu posamezniku. Kot smo že omenili, imajo brezdomci težave s prebijanjem skozi življenje, ne le zaradi razlogov, ki so jih pahnili v brezdomstvo, temveč tudi zaradi pomanjkanja državne podpore. Drugi dejavnik, ki bi lahko na neki način vplival tudi na pristop države k vprašanju brezdomstva, je pristop nastanjenega posameznika do brezdomca. Mesta in javni prostori v njih niso zasnovani za nekoga, ki nima materialnega bogastva. Od marginaliziranega se pričakuje, da se bo skrival na obrobju javnega mestnega prostora, splošna javnost pa ga začne obravnavati kot “drugega“, kot tujca v naši družbi. Način, kako se „drugačnost“ razvija, se izraža tudi v zakonih naše družbe. Brezdomci se ne soočajo le z zavračanjem v javnem mestnem prostoru, temveč tudi z zavračanjem s strani institucij. Prisotna je tudi pri nastanjenih posameznikih in vpliva tudi na pristop države. Skozi primerjavo člankov in pridobljenih polstrukturiranih formalnih intervjujev je postalo jasno, da je nastanjeni posameznik pogosto poln predsodkov do brezdomca. Takšen pristop je prisoten zaradi pomanjkanja interakcije, nagnjenja k temu, da si stvari izmišlja, namesto da bi jih raziskoval, in pogosto je edina interakcija, ki jo ima nastanjeni posameznik z brezdomcem ta, da mu ponudi fizično pomoč, na primer kovance ali hrano. Takšen pristop ustvarja podobo brezdomca kot tujca, ki ga zavračajo, medtem pa vodi osebo, ki doživlja brezdomstvo, tudi v zavračanje družbe. To pomaga razumeti, zakaj so v krogih brezdomcev prisotni takšna jeza, zavračanje in nezaupanje ter zakaj jih to vodi k iskanju lastnih, neodvisnih načinov življenja. Predlog je, da se izognemo predsodkom in se približamo tistemu, ki ga vidimo kot tujca. Posredno in neposredno razkriva nekatere družbene napake, ki se skrivajo v našem sistemu in jih je lažje opaziti, če gledamo skozi objektiv marginaliziranih oseb. Jeza in nezaupanje, ki ju izraža brezdomec, predstavljata zavrnitev, ki jo doživlja, in na določen način se za brezdomca družba kaže z „nefiltrirane“ perspektive. Brezdomec doživlja družbene napake s samega dna, saj se na najbolj neposreden način sooča z grožnjami kapitalizma, potrošništva, moči denarja in podobnim. Najprej namiguje, da se vladne politike za podporo brezdomcem ne izvajajo pravilno, na takšno neuspešnost pa močno vpliva možnost nizkih kapitalskih donosov pri naložbah. Poleg tega brezdomce preganjajo z javnih površin, kar kaže na to, da so nekateri ljudje v naši družbi bolj privilegirani kot drugi. Oseba, ki doživlja brezdomstvo, se sooča tudi z zavrnitvijo s strani posameznikov, ki živijo v običajnem domu in do brezdomcev pristopajo kot do „drugih“, jih zavračajo in na tak način vplivajo tudi na to, kako država in njene institucije obravnavajo brezdomce. Vse to sili brezdomno osebo, da išče drugačne in bolj neodvisne načine življenja, da z obrobja okoli sebe razvija fizični in mentalni prostor. Vse to ustvarja še večjo vrzel med nastanjenim posameznikom in brezdomcem ter še bolj razdvaja družbo.

Ključne besede:kulturna in socialna antropologija, marginalizacija, brezdomstvo, Ljubljana, jeza, zavrnitev, zaupanje, „drugi“, neodvisnost

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