When it comes to the imperative sentence type, Slovenian exhibits unique characteristics in terms of cross-linguistic generalizations. It allows subordinate sentences that include imperative verbs, which are cross-linguistically very rare; until recently they were even considered to be universally unacceptable. In this thesis, I propose a synthesis of existing approaches to the imperative. In my analysis, the Slovenian imperative is syntactically represented by three separate features located in three separate projections: a lower mood-related projection M, which is subordinate to TP and is the locus of the imperative verbal morphology, a higher mood-realted projection Mood, which is superordinate to TP and is the locus of the feature [irrealis] associated with the modal meaning of the imperative sentence, and the outermost peripheral projection Force/C, where the feature [IMP] associated with the imperative sentence type is located. In my system, the imperative as a verb form can be merely morphological, and thus can occur outside true imperative constructions containing all three features. I propose that Slovenian subordinate clauses include exactly such imperative verbs and that the deep structure of these clauses is thus not imperative, but subjunctive.
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